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Why Chinua Achebe, the Eagle on the Iroko, is Africa's writer of the century

Coup in Cote d'Ivoire and its implications for democracy in Africa

As the world speaks in terms of the democratic future and digital technologies, why did
Gen. Robert Guei make Africa the laughing stock of the world by closing this year of 1999 with the negative news and event of yet another military coup? As a student of political science and recent history of Africa, I'm not idealistic to the facts and realities of why, when and how military coups happen in Africa. To be sure, Bedie did not represent all the virtues of a true democrat. With the active support of his party, he abused the human rights of some of his political opponents. Hence, the issue is not a debate about why and whether coups happen. The danger and critical issue is this: when coups happen, how should pro-democracy forces confront and overcome the thugs who seize power for many self-serving reasons? Therefore, the challenge for pro-democracy forces is to draw a line in the sand to oppose military interventions. But who will struggle for and return democracy to Cote d'Ivoire? How it is answered, when and how democracy is returned to my beloved Ivorian friends and brethrens (who saved and kept thousands of my kith and kin when it mattered most in 1970), will be a good indicator and measure of where Africa and Africans want to be in the 21st century.

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Special to USAfrica The Newspaper, Houston - www.USAfricaonline.com

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Cote d'Ivoire (Ivory Coast) has taken a backward slide to the barracks; besmirching what had been an immaculate record for the beautiful and French-speaking west African country of almost 20 million people. For decades, since it achieved political independence from France in 1960, the country then led by the legendary Houphouet Boigny was oft cited as a model of calm and stability in Africa. General Robert Guei, who staged the pre-Christmas military coup has began a campaign to "entrench" his seizure of state power even as the international community condemns his junta's action of Friday December 24, 1999.

Amidst the conflict and struggle for supremacy, Guei asserted that "Power is in my hands. I will take care of everybody." Without a doubt, such personalization of power; such arrogation to having the security and interests of all "in my hands" is largely symptomatic of the fatal philosophical flaws of military rule and similar emanations of autocracy. We've seen the results of personalization of authoirty: law and order become apparitions of justice and fairness; accountability become like distant tunes sung in planet Mars for citizens of planet Earth. The Central Bank governors of the countries under military and autocratic rule are transformed into the personal exchequers of the man who, like the late Nigerian dictator Gen. Sani Abacha, had state power "in my hands."

Guei's initial pronouncements have returned the spectre of ruling by private wishes and whim of the officer-in-charge. Little wonder that the ousted president Bedie's first reaction to Guei's military coup strongly stated that "The nitwit who has proclaimed himself president of the republic has dissolved the National Assembly. This is unacceptable."

It is important to seek an additional understanding of the context and dynamics of power in recent Cote d'Ivoire. Before then, let's stipulate the fact that scarcity of basic resources for Ivorians and increasing break down in law and order served to make it easier for Guei to make his move in the predominantly Catholic nation.

Second, Bedie's government made substantial effort to move his country to do more business with non-French speaking countries, especially U.S.-based firms. Bedie is reported to be held "for safety" at a military barracks run by France, Cote d'Ivoire's former colonial ruler and neocolonial power. USAfricaonline.com can report that the broadening of economic opportunities and non-French language options in Cote d'Ivoire for other countries have remained a recent point for contention between France and Bedie's government. France, usually, holds a strict control over cultural and economic issues and interests of its former colonies in Africa.

A diplomat in Abidjan told me by telephone that "although Bedie's regime faced economic problems, its relationship with Paris has become increasingly difficult." The West needs to get beyond newspaper headlines to check where the bonds of colonial presumptions would have impinged on the democratic traditions of Cote d'Ivoire? Did the French government, always and unusually informed about military and civilian movements know about Guei's coup and looked the other way? If they did know, when; and why was the legitimate and democratic government of Bedie not saved and backed to survive the economic difficulties which Ivorians are facing?

Third, for all the talk about following international developments and working to promote democracy in Africa, what could the U.S. government do? Did they do enough, strategically, in order to make governing and provision of economic assistance easier and more useful to advance the goals and rewards of democracy in that west African region?

Fourth, is it possible that the U.S. State Department and its international intelligence agencies have forgotten that the democracy, especially under economic stress, needs to be watched and nurtured? One of the better, useful maxims I learned as a kid during the days of Biafra (1967-1970) were the Igbo words "Onye ndi iro gba ra gburu gburu n'eche ndu ya nche!" Translation: whoever is surrounded by enemies must be eternally vigilant." Essentially, the price of liberty is eternal vigilance. Guei is seeped in the military traditions of France. After his firing by Bedie, the ousted president should have been more "vigilant." Alas, the sheep has left the barn. French soldiers and neocolonialists in Cote d'Ivoire knew Guei and his leverage within the local army very well. He is affectionately known as "Le Boss" by his military comrades. He was the former army chief who clashed a few times in the past with President Bedie.

Fifth, like most African countries, what Cote d'Ivoire needs, at this time, is further democratization rather than slouching back to military authoritarianism and its variations of uncouth excesses.

Sixth, how the international community, especially such regional powers such as Nigeria (re)act to the unfortunate sacking of a democratically-elected government will offer some sense of assurance for many African countries that they are not alone on the road of democracy. For example, more attention should be paid to the concerns of the current government in Ghana (see USAfrica The Newspaper December 22, 1999 edition where President Jerry Rawlings said he was not afraid of "coups" and other factors which may further impact the weak economic sub-structure and stability of this country. Although, Rawlings bagged gifts and was friends with late Nigerian dictator Gen. Sani Abacha).

More significant, the recent events in Cote d'Ivoire, after 39 years of democratic rule, however imperfect, compels me to raise an issue that I've debated privately with some of my friends: namely, a military coup can occur, anywhere, in sub-Saharan Africa (except South Africa).

For many idealists, when the issue and focus is shifted to Nigeria, many say it is "unthinkable." Pray and work, you masters of the world of political idealism. The canvas of reality and recent events suggest we all need to be soldiers for democracy. The early task for all of us must be to realistically and work harder to keep Nigeria (and other African countries) firm and strong on the road to true democratization. Hence, Nigeria should work closely with South Africa, Ghana and the international community to ensure a very early and functional return to democratic rule in the neighboring Cote d'Ivoire.

One of USAfricaonline.com's contacts in Abidjan indicates that "Guei has started a campaign to entrench his seizure of state power by releasing, appeasing and appointing some key persons who led the opposition against the democratically-elected government of President Konan Bedie into a "National Committee of Public Salvation."
As a student of political science and recent history of Africa, I'm not idealistic to the facts and realities of why, when and how military coups happen in Africa. Again, the issue should not just be whether it can happen; yes, it can. The danger and critical issue, is if it happens, how should pro-democracy forces confront and overcome the thugs who seize power for many self-serving reasons. Therefore, the challenge for pro-democracy forces is to draw a line in the sand to oppose military interventions. But who will struggle for and return democracy to Cote d'Ivoire?

Finally, as the world speaks in terms of the future and technologies, why did Gen. Robert Guei make Africa the laughing stock of the world by the closing 1999 with the negative news and event of yet another military coup? This question will become one of the three most important issues which will face Africans as we enter the new, digital millennium. How it is answered, when and how democracy is returned to my beloved Ivorian friends and brethrens (who saved and kept thousands of my kith and kin when it mattered most in 1970), will be a good indicator of where Africa and Africans want to be in the 21st century.

Impeachment process shows Nigerian democracy "is alive... being tested." Nigeria's president retired Gen. Olusegun Obasanjo has said that the impeachment process shows that "democracy is alive, is being tested, and being tried.... What they (the legislators) have tried to do in the democratic way, which is not easy, would probably have been done by taking arms or by -- with bullets. So, but with democracy, of course, some people feel that this is the way this should be, and then I have an opportunity to defend myself. There is discussion. There is dialogue. There is a decision. There is fairness." He made these comments when he appeared on Tuesday September 17, 2002 on CNN International to discuss the issues of impeachment facing him, the allegations of corruption, abuse of the constitution and deployment of soldiers ina civilian environment which led to the "massacre of civilians" in Odi (Bayelsa) and Zaki Biam (Benue). On the charges by international human rights organizations and Nigerian media that his government has been involved in actions which have led to the deaths of thousands of Nigerians, the retired General gave a surprising answer. He was asked that "as many as 10,000 people, it's being reported, have been killed in Nigeria (in) communal rivalries, and the number is believed to be increasing. And people are saying that although President Obasanjo has done a lot of good for Nigeria, you're accused of not -- accused of failing to halt that spiraling violence." Obasanjo: Let me say this to you, when you put the question of 10,000 -- 10,000 people dying in Nigeria, of course, for a population of over 120 million people...." But USAfricaonline.com Founder and recipient of the Journalism Excellence award (1997), Chido Nwangwu, who appeared on the same program as as a CNN International analyst (Africa) pointed out that "when (President Obasanjo) answered that in a country of 100 million that 10,000 people are said to have died, as if that was a small number, that in itself reflects a disconnect with the concerns of Nigerians. The second one is that when the risk is civil disagreement, the police are required to intervene in the country. And the deployment of the armed forces of Nigeria requires at least some consultation, however modest, with the parliament." Nwangwu, former member of the editorial board of Nigeria's Daily Times continued that "the third factor that is equally important to underscore is that the armed forces of Nigeria moved in for a punitive action rather than just containing a civil disagreement." 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