Literature, Culture and Development: The
Author: Ihechukwu Madubuike, PhD. Reviewer: Stanley N. Macebuh, PhD. May 29, 2008, in Abuja
Special to USAfricaonline.com, CLASS magazine, IgboEvents e-group, USAfrica The Newspaper (Houston) The Black Business Journal and PhotoWorks.Tv
By the time the definitive prescriptions of Towards the Decolonization of African Literature came out in 1990, Ihechukwu Madubuike, one of the three co-authors of that book, had already achieved prominence as a cultural nationalist in his scholarly writings. Virtually all the major essays in Part 1, and the reviews in Part 2 of his book, Literature, Culture and Development: the African Experience, which we are reviewing today, were written and published in various scholarly journals, or presented at major professional conferences, at least a long decade before Towards the Decolonization was published in 1990.
For example, 'Chinua Achebe: His Ideas on African Literature', was first published in 1975 in Presence Africaine; 'The African Novel in the 1970s: Basic Identity and Categorization', came out in 1974 in the Journal, Issue; 'Poetry and the African Revolution' was first presented at a Conference of the Modern Languages Association of Nigeria in Jos, Plateau State, in 1978; and 'The Role of the National Intelligentsia in Societal Development &endash; The Example of African Writers', was almost certainly first published before 1980 (almost certainly, because the date of first publication or presentation is not stated; but the internal evidence in the essay suggests some date before 1980).
Equally, for further example, all the essays on Francophone African literature, which in my view are far more rigorous and detailed than the ones on Anglophone African literature, were also first published between 1973 and 1980. 'The Politics of Assimilation and the Evolution of the Novel in Senegal' first came out in African Studies Review in 1975; 'Language and Style in the Works of Senegalese Writers' and 'Form, Structure and Esthetics of the Senegalese Novel' both were first published in separate volumes of the 'Journal of Black Studies' in 1974; while the essay, 'Aspects of Religion in the Senegalese Novel' first came out in the same Journal in 1976.
In all of these essays and more, we can readily discern a tentative, but increasingly confident approach towards a definitive statement concerning what Dr. Madubuike was clearly beginning to be convinced was an inevitable linkage between a normative species of African Literature which derived from an authentic elucidation of African cultural values, and the inevitable obligation to fight, through it, for, and promote 'African development'. Now, 'African development', in this context, was not to be construed merely as just a socio-economic term. It is in fact an omnibus term. It implied the cultural and psychological struggle for self-identification in reaction against silly European notions of the non-identity, if you like, of the African person. It implied the political obligation of the African writer, and the critic of his writings, to deploy their talents in support of the struggle to liberate all Africans from their colonial masters. And it also implicated a clear duty, both on the part of the creative writer and of the literary critic of his offerings, to come up with a canonical definition of the Africanness in African literature. Thus, politics, sociology, and history; anthropology, economics and mathematics, not to speak of aesthetics, structure and form, indeed every conceivable aspect of human thought and endeavour, were to be the appropriate environment within the context of which the African writer was required to operate, and within which the authentic critic of his work was to judge him.
In passing, it would seem to me, that if this summary of what Dr. Madubuike was beginning to propose that we demand of the authentic African writer is at all accurate, then we would be imposing on the African writer a burdensome obligation that no writer from any other culture in the history of the world has ever had to undertake!
But we need not dwell unduly on this observation, however, because it is obvious that by 1990, Ihechukwu Madubuike's convictions in this regard had begun to be fleshed out, his prescriptions were becoming less dictatorial, his expectations of the African writer more modest. For in that year Chinweizu, Jemie, and Madubuike published a seminal book, Towards the Decolonization of African Literature, which purported to be a testament, a manifesto, a spectacular, iconoclastic and almost 'patricidal' declaration of the canons of African literature, the terms and conditions of its composition and its criticism. It was in some sense a declaration of literary independence from what its authors perceived as its hitherto slavish imitation of Western concepts of the literature. Professor Chidi Maduka, who wrote the Forward to Literature, Culture and Development, one of the books that has brought us here today, in referring to the other book published by the troika of which Dr. Madubuike was a member, simply asserts that it 'elicited enthusiastic responses from scholars'. That is an exceptionally polite understatement.
That other book, Towards the Decolonization of African Literature descended on the canvass of often agitated disputations concerning African literature like a bomb. It was the most mature rendition of a doctrine of authenticity in African literature whose spirited articulation attracted as much denunciation as it elicited approval. Dr. Madubuike, in his own Introduction to Literature, Culture and Development: The African Experience makes reference to a typical denunciatory response from scholars of African Literature to the categorical pronouncements of that other book. Professor Charles Nnolim, referring to the troika's book, Towards the Decolonization, states in part, and I quote, 'The one flaw in the troika's impressive logic is the blind argument &endash; with extreme bad manners, and with dogmatic certainty &endash; that the end of all African Art, all African Literature and its attendant criticism, is simple recognition of and adherence to our African heritage. The total pursuit of cultural nationalism at the expense of form and structure is the maggot that squirms at the core of their otherwise valid assertions'. A powerful complaint indeed.
I do not propose here to reopen the often quite bellicose debate on that book, even though I do confess to an indelible sentimental affection for it, if only because some of it was put together by the three gentlemen of the troika in my apartment outside New York City in the mid-70s. It is sufficient to state only, that the seeds of the affirmations in Towards the Decolonization are already evident in the instincts alive and operating in the essays and reviews, written much earlier, that make up the collection in the book, Literature, Culture and Development, which we are reviewing now. This is so much so, that it is possible to argue that both books are of the same family tree.
But about the same period during which he was labouring in the vineyard of such scholarly endeavour, Dr. Madubuike was, it seems, equally, if not even more enthusiastically engaged in another line of activity which most ordinary mortals would have adjudged to be inherently antithetical, but which his theoretical posture rendered almost mandatory. Between 1973 and 1994, he was at various times a legislator in a state House of Assembly, a Commissioner in a state government, a federal Minister of Education (which makes some sense), and a federal Minister of Health (which does not make any sense whatsoever!). During the same 20-year period, he had, as the essays and reviews in Literature, Culture and Development clearly illustrate, and in addition to the burden of teaching in various institutions of higher learning, summoned up sufficient presence of mind, and the discipline to churn out most of the essays contained in the book we are reviewing here.
Clearly, therefore, he discovered no difficulty during this period in reconciling his scholarly exertions with working up an impressive career as a public official. Indeed, it would be quite plausible to argue that he saw his own life, the manner in which he appears to have succeeded in comfortably blending the life of contemplation with the life of hands-on engagement in public affairs, as an ideal state of being, as the appropriate posture for the committed African writer or critic. This conclusion, it seems to me, would provide for us a useful enough explanation for his apparent contempt for intellectuals of a certain sort.
It explains why, along, it seems, with Chinua Achebe, and save for Leopold Sedar Senghor, for whom he appears to have a special regard, he does not have much to say in favour of those he refers to as 'establishment intellectuals' in Africa; and again, in tandem with Achebe, he almost celebrates the fact that no African country has ever been foolish enough to hand over its government exclusively to university professors! Apart from the mellifluous music of his poetry, he does not care much for the early Christopher Okigbo, whose obtuseness and obscurity and foreignness he decries. But he at least implicitly admires Okigbo's later work, if only because the unease that we encounter therein leads him, Okigbo, logically, to the war front, where he dies, in a presumably perfect merging of the artistic sensibility and the impulse toward action in favour of freedom. Dr. Madubuike is rather ambivalent about Soyinka, whose dramatic seizure of a radio station in Ibadan he recalls with admiration; but he is equally quite unhappy with much of his prose and poetry, which he describes as 'hermitic', meaning obtuse and obscure.
He obviously admires Achebe to no end, but since Achebe is not famous for any recorded dramatic interventions of the Okigbo type, or even of the Soyinka type, we must locate this admiration in the subtlety of Achebe's literary interventions on the side of Soyinka's own concern with 'the problem of self-apprehension', and not in any effort that Achebe has made to prove himself at the same time a visionary and a warrior.
In a word, I find in the essays and reviews and opinion pieces contained in this book, Literature, Culture and Development: The African Experience, a certain unexplained ambiguity, or even confusion. We cannot all be like the author who has brought us all here, who is at once poet, scholar, politician and critic. But our not being as composite as he is does not in any way diminish our significance as citizens entitled to engage in hopefully meaningful work, from the perspective of each person's particular calling. What, for instance, precisely distinguishes the creative writer, be he novelist, poet or playwright, from the professional philosopher, or the social activist? What differentiates Chinua Achebe from Gani Fawehinmi, J. P. Clark from Raph Uwazurike of MASSOB, or Chimamanda Adichie, the author of A Purple Hibiscus, from Jomo Gbomo of The Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta., MEND? All of them, I dare say, are deeply committed to explorations of what, according to Dr. Madubuike, Wole Soyinka describes as 'the problem of self- apprehension'. All are, each presumably in their own way, cultural nationalists, determined to explore the limits and necessities of freedom and self-determination, .all only different in the methods and instruments they choose. But even so, they are all individuals, not composite persons. Achebe and Clark and Adichie are creative writers, while Fawehinmi and Uwazurike and Jomo Gbomo are social activists. All of them are possessed of significant talent, and contribute, each in his own way, to the richness, expansiveness and flexibility of our culture. It would obviously be unreasonable to insist that Gani become a poet or novelist in order to convince us of the genuineness of his equally creative preoccupations; just as one would hardly require that Achebe present himself at the barricades so as to become a more accomplished writer.
Having said all this, it is appropriate that I draw attention to the meticulousness with which Dr. Madubuike has sought to delineate the Francophone predicament which, it would appear, is far more complex than our predicament in the English speaking countries of Africa. Each of us, the francophone and the anglophone, has historically had to contend against colonialism and its evils, not the least of which was the attempt to deny us of our specific African humanity. But, by the author's very careful account of the difference between the nature and objective of British colonialism, as against the French variant of the same evil, it appears that while France, in the beginning, was quite willing to admit a proportion, no matter how small, of its African subjects into full, undifferentiated French citizenship; the British evidently never had any such romantic ideas even of notional equality with their colonial subjects.
Ironically, and mercifully therefore, the process by which Anglophone Africans finally re-asserted their humanity turned out to be far less psychologically traumatic than that by which francophone Africa came to its own ultimate self-realization.
It is through Dr. Madubuike's careful explanation of this phenomenon in his essays that we begin to fully understand why Leopold Sedar Senghor became the apostle of Negritude, and why Wole Soyinka concluded that he saw no need for the tiger in him to proclaim its tigritude. Anglophone Africa was never 'assimilated', and therefore did not have the burden of negotiating the intermediate state of alienation caused by assimilation on its return journey to self-realization. Not so francophone Africa and the Caribbean. I do not know of any Anglophone African writer who ever deluded himself into thinking that he could be an Englishman just by writing in excellent English. But by Dr. Madubuike's account, it appears there were numerous francophone writers who actually believed they were Frenchmen just because they wrote in the most sophisticated Parisian French.
Furthermore, through this book, Literature, Culture and Development: the African Experience, we begin to discover how important it is not to prescribe universalist characteristics in Literature, or any other sphere of activity for that matter, for a continent as vast as Africa without a sufficiently representative sampling of the offerings from the continent. In the author's review, for instance, of Professor Obiechina's study, Culture, Tradition and Society in the West African Novel, Dr. Madubuike makes the commonsense point that you do not publish a study of 17 novels, all of them written in English, 15 of them by Nigerian writers, and two by Ghanaian writers, and call it a study of the West African novel. In response to which observation I add the equally elementary point that you are unlikely to be able to do a sensible description of a francophone novel, or a lusophone one, unless you are literate in the French or Portuguese language. Dr. Madubuike's success in his comparative studies of African writing derives its significance and authority precisely from this fact, that he is articulate in French as much as in English.
To conclude, the book under review is significant, for many reasons. It provides a reliable record of a historic controversy over what is African literature, what should be its objectives, and how the critic of it may approach the task of elucidating it. That controversy has died down in the course of time, but it was through it that we all began to come to a more ecumenical or inclusive understanding of the ends of art in general, and of African art and literature in particular. The book is significant, also, because it presents to us the process by which its author came to his understanding of his own role, as writer, poet, scholar, critic, and man of public affairs. And finally, it is significant because it contains a rich offering of incisive and authoritative analyses of a large number of poems, novels, and plays. It is a worthy effort, and I commend it to you. I thank you all.
Dr. Macebuh, founding managing director of The Guardian newspaper and The Post Express newspaper (both in Lagos), also served as communications adviser to former president of Nigeria Olusegun Obasanjo.
Why America should halt the
genocide in the
DEMOCRACY WATCH: What Bush Should Tell Obasanjo.... By Chido Nwangwu (Founder and Publisher of USAfricaonline.com)
Can Africa live a future without war? An Open Letter to Mandela. By Fubara David-West, USAfricaonline.com contributing editor
FLASHPOINT! In 15 years: Nigeria could collapse, destabilize entire West Africa - U.S. intelligence analysts claim; Obasanjo calls them "prophets of doom...."
INSIGHT: Destruction of property and human massacres are always traumatic events in a community, saddening and enraging, but the organizers of the beauty contest, as well as the participants, must understand that they are totally free of guilt. The guilty are the storm troopers of intolerance, the manipulators of feeble-minded but murderous hordes of fanaticism. By Prof. Wole Soyinka
Should Africa debates begin and end at The New York Times and The Washington Post? No
AFRICA AND THE U.S. ELECTIONS Beyond U.S. electoral shenanigans, rewards and dynamics of a democratic republic hold lessons for African politics.
Osama bin-Laden's goons threaten Nigeria and Africa's stability
What has Africa to do with September 11 terror?
Africans reported dead in terrorist attack at WTC
September 11 terror and the ghost of things to come....
Arafat's duplicity, terrorism at the heart of Israeli-Palestinian crises. By Barry Rubin
Will religious conflicts be the time-bomb for Nigeria's latest transition to civilian rule?
Johnnie Cochran will soon learn that defending Abacha's loot is not as simple as his O.J Simpson's case. By Chido Nwangwu
Should Africa debates begin and end at The New York Times and The Washington Post? No
Nelson Mandela, Tribute to the world's political superstar and Lion of Africa
Winnie Madikizela-Mandela's burden mounts with murder charges, trials
Conflicting emotions, feeling of disappointment, timing of revelation that Rev. Jackson fathered a child with former aide lead to charges of "right-wing orchestration."
Nigeria's Presidential Election: Is it just for the Highest Bidder?
Nigeria at 40: punish financial thuggery, build domestic infrastructure
Is Obasanjo really up to Nigeria's challenge and crises? By USAfricaonline.com contributing editor Ken Okorie. Commentary appears from NigeriaCentral.com
Africa suffers the scourge of the virus. This life and pain of Kgomotso Mahlangu, a five-month-old AIDS patient (left) in a hospital in the Kalafong township near Pretoria, South Africa, on October 26, 1999, brings a certain, frightening reality to the sweeping and devastating destruction of human beings who form the core of any definition of a country's future, its national security, actual and potential economic development and internal markets.
22 million Africans HIV-infected, ill with AIDS while African leaders ignore disaster-in-waiting
Wong is wrong on Blacks in Houston city jobs
Why is 4-year old Onyedika carrying a placard against killings in Nigeria?
How Nigeria's Islamic Sharia crises will affect the U.S.
USAfrica INTERVIEW "Why African Catholics are concerned about crises, sex abuse issues in our church" - a frank chat with ICCO's Mike Umeorah
Johnnie Cochran will soon learn that defending Abacha's loot is not as simple as his O.J Simpson's case. By Chido Nwangwu The Economics of Elections in Nigeria
HUMAN RIGHTS AND DEMOCRACY How far, how deep will Nigeria's human rights commission go?
Rtd. Gen. Babangida trip as emissary for Nigeria's Obasanjo to Sudan raises curiosity, questions about what next in power play?
COUNTERPOINT 'Why is Bill Maher spreading racist nonsense about HIV/AIDS and Africa on ABC?
Hate groups' spin by Lamar Alexander benefits anti-Blacks, anti-Semites, and racists
Annan, power and burden of the U.N
The Civilianizing of African soldiers into Presidents
At 39, Nigerians still face dishonest stereotypes such as Buckley's, and other self-inflicted wounds.
JFK Jr.: Death of a Good Son
'Why is Bill Maher spreading racist nonsense about HIV/AIDS and Africa on ABC?
National Summit on Africa, Congresswoman Jackson-Lee hold policy forum in Houston
'100 Black Men are solutions-oriented' says Thomas Dortch, Jr., Richard Johnson and Nick Clayton II as they share perspectives with USAfrica's founder on the national organization.
Community Service Awards bring African-American, American policy and business leaders together with African community at Texas Southern University
110 minutes with Hakeem Olajuwon
Cheryl Mills' first class defense of Clinton and her detractors' game
Nigeria, Cry My Beloved Country
Will the rash of Ethnic Violence disrupt Nigeria's effort at Democracy?
IN THE HOUSE OF MANDELA: A SILLY CRY FOR REPARATIONS By Prof. Chimalum Nwankwo
Nigerian stabbed to death in his bathroom in Houston.
EndGame in Kinshasa: U.S must boot Mobutu for own interest, future of Zaire and Africa
PetroGasWorks Shell picks Leslie Mays as VP Global Diversity
Many Nigerians still feel disappointed that a man
(Obasanjo) who had gained so much from Nigeria would cling
so tightly to power, even against the popular will of the
people, moreso with age, energy and fresh ideas for a new
era not on his side.
More baffling many Nigerians we interviewed recall are
the lessons of the excesses of the late Gen. Abach who
jailed Obasanjo while the former schemed to remain in
How Obasanjo's self-succession charade at his Ota Farm has turned Nigeria to an 'Animal Farm.' By Prof. Mobolaji Aluko
Is Obasanjo ordained by God to rule Nigeria? And, other fallacies. By Prof. Sola Adeyeye
Obasanjo was not sworn in merely to "mean well" for Nigeria. By Obi Nwakanma
Obasanjo's 'prayers' and the Abacha path of staying in power. By Nkem Ekeopara
Creative writing, publishing and the future of Nigerian Literature. By Prof. Chukwuemeka Ike
A young father writes his One year old son: "If only my heart had a voice...."
Nigeria, a terrible beauty. By Chido Nwangwu
Why Nigeria and Africa's leaders are leading us to nowhere. By Professor Herbert Ekwe-Ekwe, contributing editor of USAfricaonline.com, author of the highly-acclaimed African Literature in Defence of History: An Essay on Chinua Achebe and a visiting fellow at the London School of Economics.
Anambra's rigged 2003 elections: Chris Uba's confession at WIC 2004 in Newark, USA. In a matter-of-fact manner, PDP's chieftain in Anambra Chris Uba stood up and astonished all that were present in Newark when he said, "We, the PDP, did not win the election (of 2003). I have gone to church to confess. The election had no document. I called the result before 12 midnight. I gave INEC the money and asked them to call the result." The revelation caused an uproar as well as some applause in the hall. "The person we took his thing is here," Uba said, pointing at Peter Obi (the APGA candidate) who was sitting among the audience, in the back row.
USAfrica The Newspaper voted the "Best Community Newspaper" in the 4th largest city in the U.S., Houston. It is in the Best of Houston special as chosen by the editors and readers of the Houston Press, reflecting their poll and annual rankings.
DEMOCRACY WATCH: Obasanjo raped Nigeria's constitution by suspending Plateau Assembly and Governor. Prof. By Prof. Ben Nwabueze, leading constitutional scholar in the Commonwealth for almost 45 years, former Nigerian federal minister and SAN.
OIL in NIGERIA: Liquid Gold or Petro-Dollars Curse?
Investigating Marc Rich and his deals with Nigeria's Oil
Through an elaborate network of carrots and sticks and a willing army of Nigeria's soldiers and some civilians, controversial global dealer and billionaire Marc Rich, literally and practically, made deals and steals; yes, laughed his way to the banks from crude oil contracts, unpaid millions in oil royalties and false declarations of quantities of crude lifted and exported from Nigeria for almost 25 years. Worse, he lifted Nigeria's oil and shipped same to then embargoed apartheid regime in South Africa. Read Chido Nwangwu's NEWS INVESTIGATION REPORT for PetroGasWorks.com
Should Africa debates begin and end at The New York Times and The Washington Post?
Nelson Mandela, Tribute to the world's political superstar and Lion of Africa
Nnamdi Azikiwe: Statesman, Intellectual and Titan of African politics
Bush's position on Africa is "ill-advised." The position stated by Republican presidential aspirant and Governor of Texas, George Bush where he said that "Africa will not be an area of priority" in his presidency has been questioned by USAfricaonline.com Publisher Chido Nwangwu. He added that Bush's "pre-election position was neither validated by the economic exchanges nor geo-strategic interests of our two continents." These views were stated during an interview CNN's anchor Bernard Shaw and senior analyst Jeff Greenfield had with Mr. Nwangwu on Saturday November 18, 2000 during a special edition of 'Inside Politics 2000.' Nwangwu, adviser to the Mayor of Houston (the 4th largest city in the U.S., and immigrant home to thousands of Africans) argued further that "the issues of the heritage interests of 35 million African-Americans in Africa, the volume and value of oil business between between the U.S and Nigeria and the horrendous AIDS crisis in Africa do not lend any basis for Governor Bush's ill-advised position which removes Africa from fair consideration" were he to be elected president. By Al Johnson
The Life and Irreverent times of Afrobeat superstar, FELA
Reuben Abati's fallacies on Nigeria's history and secession. By Bayo Arowolaju
How Abati, Adelaja and others fuel the campaign of hatred against Ndigbo. By Jonas Okwara
"Obasanjo, secession and the secessionists": A response to Reuben Abati's Igbophobia. By Josh Arinze, USAfricaonline.com contributing editor.
Abati and other anti-Igbo bigots in Nigeria. By Chuks Iloegbunam, USAfricaonline.com contributing editor and author of Ironsi
CNN International debate on Nigeria's democracy was livecast on February 19, 2002. It involved Nigeria's Information Minister Prof. Jerry Gana, Prof. Salih Booker and USAfricaonline.com Publisher Chido Nwangwu. Transcripts are available on the CNN International site.
WILL ARINZE BE THE FIRST POPE of RECENT AFRICAN ORIGIN? To our Brother Cardinal Arinze: May your pastoral lineage endure!
The Democratic Party stood for nothing in 2002 election cycle. By Jonathan Elendu
EVA champions efforts to combat AIDS among Nigerian youth. By Jessica Rubin
Pros and cons of the circumcision debate. By Ngozi Ezeji, RN
Prof. Chimere Ikoku: Remembering the legacy of a pan-Africanist, scientist and gentleman. By Prof. Chudi Uwazurike
SPORTS: Tiger Woods makes more history with another golf Masters win. He shot 12-under-par 276 and a final round 71 at Georgia's Augusta National Golf Club event and collected $1,008,000, on Sunday April 14, 2002. With it, the world's golf phenom added another green jacket to his array of championships and titles, placing him, in this instance, in the same respected Masters' league as Nicklaus (winner 1965 and 1966) and Nick Faldo (1989 and 1990). The three are the only men to win back-to-back Masters. At 26, Woods has since become the youngest golfer to win his seventh professional major championship. He was joined by his parents and his 22 year-old Swedish model girlfriend, Elin Nordegren.
Impeachment process shows Nigerian democracy "is alive... being tested." Nigeria's president retired Gen. Olusegun Obasanjo has said that the impeachment process shows that "democracy is alive, is being tested, and being tried.... What they (the legislators) have tried to do in the democratic way, which is not easy, would probably have been done by taking arms or by -- with bullets. So, but with democracy, of course, some people feel that this is the way this should be, and then I have an opportunity to defend myself. There is discussion. There is dialogue. There is a decision. There is fairness." He made these comments when he appeared on Tuesday September 17, 2002 on CNN International to discuss the issues of impeachment facing him, the allegations of corruption, abuse of the constitution and deployment of soldiers ina civilian environment which led to the "massacre of civilians" in Odi (Bayelsa) and Zaki Biam (Benue). On the charges by international human rights organizations and Nigerian media that his government has been involved in actions which have led to the deaths of thousands of Nigerians, the retired General gave a surprising answer. He was asked that "as many as 10,000 people, it's being reported, have been killed in Nigeria (in) communal rivalries, and the number is believed to be increasing. And people are saying that although President Obasanjo has done a lot of good for Nigeria, you're accused of not -- accused of failing to halt that spiraling violence."
Obasanjo: Let me say this to you, when you put the question
of 10,000 -- 10,000 people dying in Nigeria, of course, for
a population of over 120 million people...."
But USAfricaonline.com Founder and
recipient of the Journalism Excellence award (1997),
Nwangwu, who appeared on the same program as as a CNN
International analyst (Africa) pointed out that "when
(President Obasanjo) answered that in a country of 100
million that 10,000 people are said to have died, as if that
was a small number, that in itself reflects a disconnect
with the concerns of Nigerians. The second one is that when
the risk is civil disagreement, the police are required to
intervene in the country. And the deployment of the armed
forces of Nigeria requires at least some consultation,
however modest, with the parliament." Nwangwu,
former member of the editorial board of Nigeria's Daily
Times continued that "the third
factor that is equally important to underscore is that the
armed forces of Nigeria moved in for a punitive action
rather than just containing a civil
disagreement." He noted in USAfricaonline.com
backgrounder "it was revealing and interesting interesting
discussing Nigeria's issues with its leader - under the
current circumstances of an increasingly out-of-schedule
elections and the gathering storm of an impeachment process
by a majority of the members of the National Assembly,
predominantly by Obasanjo's party members." See
transcript of the CNN
International news program.
Steve Jobs and Apple represent the future of digital living. By Chido Nwangwu
The coup in Cote d'Ivoire and its implications for democracy in Africa. By Chido Nwangwu
(Related commentary) Coup in Cote d'Ivoire has been in the waiting. By Tom Kamara
Why Powell's mission to the Middle East failed. By Jonathan Elendu
General Tunde Idiagbon: A nationalist, an iron-surgeon departs
Abiola's sudden death and the ghost of things to come
Gen. Shehu Musa Yar'Adua's prison death, Nigeria and The Ghost of Things to come .....
May 29, 2008