Is Obasanjo really up to Nigeria's new challenges and crises?

By Ken Kemnagum Okorie

Special to NigeriaCentral.com
USAfricaonline.com and USAfrica The Newspaper

One cannot be impressed with the Obasanjo administration's handling of the Islamic Sharia issue and the other crises that have arisen since his second handling of Nigeria's presidency from may 1999. It certainly did not need to take so much loss of lives and property, particularly of innocent Ndi-Igbo and other Christians in Kaduna and echoes from which have been heard in Aba, Owerri, Onitsha, Umuahia, Uyo, among other places. For months, this Administration watched, indifferently, as various Northern States, led by Zamfara, flagrantly defied Nigerias secular constitution and sovereignty. The Tuesday February 29, 2000 announcement by Vice President Abubakar Atiku that the erring states will shelve Sharia and revert back to the penal code does not negate the governments failure to discharge its duties to the nation.

Recently, President Olusegun Obasanjo made two statements, which are instructive and significant. The first concerned his anti-corruption campaign. The later followed the Kaduna riots over Sharia. Closely considered, both statements are perhaps even more disturbing than the subjects about which he spoke. They are remarkable commentary on retired general Obasanjo's performance after nine months in office, raise serious questions about his understanding of his constitutional responsibilities, and, indeed call to question his fitness and capacity for the leadership texture Nigeria must have at its present crossroads. A pattern of passive indifference has marked the Obasanjo administration's response to other crises since he took office. His record regarding the Niger Delta, Odua People's Congress, Church burning in Ilorin and other simmering spots is no more encouraging. What explains this see-no-evil, hear-no-evil approach to critical issues of national security?

Addressing the nation on the Sharia-driven Kaduna riots (in which casualties are in the hundreds) President Obasanjo denounced the carnage as not only "criminal but highly unpatriotic, particularly now that the international community is beginning to regain its confidence in our nation." He vowed to punish the perpetrators for the destruction of lives and property in three days of mayhem which erupted Monday, February 21, 2000 between Moslems and Christians over the planned introduction of the Islamic Sharia administrative system in Kaduna state.

As if Nigerians have not had enough empty assurances, the President warned that his administration "is irrevocably committed to ensuring security and protection of life and property for all" and "will leave no stone unturned, nor will we mind whose goat is gored in [its] determination to protect lives and seek out and punish the perpetrators of the terrible atrocities." Should the President not have realized the necessity for his government to promptly and decisively respond to the crisis in a situation where the US State Department continues to issue negative travel advisory to its citizens desiring to do business with Nigeria. Questions about persisting unrest featured during the historic Summit on Africa recently concluded in Washington, DC. It is simply unrealistic to expect investors to ignore the consequent volatile environment.

Earlier, during a visit to France, Obasanjo reportedly admonished Nigerians, to report former leaders guilty of corruption to the government with a view to probing them. He specifically challenged those calling for probe or trial of former military dictator, General Ibrahim Babangida, that "If anybody knows where Babangida's money is, let them give us the particulars and see what the government would do. So these people are just being malicious. People who are saying this, let them give us evidence that this is Babangida's money".

President Obasanjo's comments on Babangida's reportedly ill-gotten wealth came few days after the senators in Abuja passed a "Corrupt Practices and other Related Offences Act" otherwise known as the Anti- corruption Bill. Tayo Odunlami of The Tell reminded that this was the first legislation the President proposed to the National Assembly for debate after he assumed office on May 29, 1999, underscoring his repeated pledge to make the battle against corruption, a major focus of his administration. Odunlami noted that on 20 December 1999 when the bill was debated, Senator Seidu Dansadaus (Zamfara State) doubted President Obasanjo's will to implement his anti-corruption crusade in all ramifications. What does one make of these statements? What does it tell us about Obasanjo's ability or the lack thereof, to deal with Nigerias serious problems? I recognize that the constitution has limited but confusing provisions on Sharia at the appellate level. But the incongruency and conflicts from that provision were made more obvious when Zamfara began toying with Sharia law. The implications of this move were far reaching even for the very survival of Nigeria. For this reason, one would have expected the Attorney General and Justice Ministry to give official opinion regarding the constitutionality of Sharia, and, if that did not solve the matter, seek a determination by the Supreme Court. It did not happen. President Obasanjo quietly watched Zamfara blatantly derogate the constitution of the land. And because nothing was done, Zamfara soon was only a starting point.

On corruption, how did it suddenly become the responsibility of the citizens to fish out and inform the government about retired Generals monies or, for that matter, Babangida's bank accounts? Isn't this among the reasons for our myriad of security organizations? Are SSS and affiliate organizations only there as big brother over the powerless citizens? For that matter, what genius does it take to recognize that official salary alone could not amass for Babangida or his fellow corrupt generals the kind of wealth he flaunts in political maneuvers, establishing his private university, building mansions in Nigeria, owning estates in the French Rivera and elsewhere, or becoming shipping magnets, super-tycoons, and for that matter, big time farmers, and others.

That President Obasanjo should now plead ignorance about Babangida and his corrupt ways is indeed appalling; it is outright disturbing. Odunlanmi most aptly cites three instances showing Obasanjo among Babangida's most strident critics during despotic misrule. They include a 1992 lecture at the Institute of African Studies at University of Ibadan in which Obasanjo described the pervasive corruption in Babangida's government as sapping the nation's moral fiber; Obasanjo's follow-up November 1992 personal letter, (as Babangida kept changing his date to restore civil rule) condemning Babangida's pastime of "settling" individuals and organizations with huge public funds to achieve selfish ends. Finally, in a TELL magazine interview, Obasanjo summarized his opinion of Babangida's person and government as one of fraud, dishonesty and egocentrism, referring to the dictator as having "so great a capacity for mischief and evil?"

Against these facts, which Obasanjo are we supposed to believe? The reformed, self-styled born-again who so knew Babangida so well, or the fellow retired dictator for whom amnesia may now be politically expedient? Is he naïve or simply lacks the will or courage to do what is necessary to extricate Nigeria from the grip of the military? Is it possible that the crafty Babangida may have something on him (Obasanjo) for the latter is unwilling to risk reprisal? Or is there some conspiracy by which the generals keep using Nigerians for private agenda?

Nigerias real challenge is how long it can remain strapped in a loop of corrupt, deceptive leadership? Clearly the mentality of a clique of military elite that regards the country as its war booty could not suddenly disappear. Indeed one may wonder how much of this accounted for Obasanjo's selection and Northern support for his candidacy in the last election. Until Nigeria takes a cue from Cyprus, Greece and Argentina and lately South Korea all of which have made corrupt former leaders and dictators to account for their stewardship, we will have difficulty finding our way forward.
Attorney Okorie, former secretary-general of the World Igbo Congress, is a member of the editorial board of USAfrica The Newspaper. This commentary on Nigeria is copyrighted and exclusive to NigeriaCentral.com, and url link to this page is permitted. No permission for its archiving on any other web site will be granted. Responses are welcome and will be published.

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