January 2004 marked 33 years since the end of the Nigeria-Biafra War. Nigeria's war against Biafra was a war of genocide, a war that was waged in its totality (with all the annihilative indices that this particular war strategy connotes) in a very limited expanse of territory (Africa's most densely populated area outside the Nile valley) where the defenders did not have access to a "neutral" or friendly contiguous state for refuge and respite.

The 1967-1970 war was waged by the federal Nigeria military government led by General Yakubu Gowon to overwhelm and destroy the corporate ability of the Igbo people to resist an aggression triggered, in the first place, because they were simply expressing their inalienable fundamental human right to freely decide to belong or not to belong to a political relationship, in the wake of the most horrendous spate of massacres the previous year. During the months of May-October 1966, about 100,000 Igbo were hunted down and killed in several northern towns and cities and elsewhere in the federation in a pogrom that was planned and executed by the northern Nigerian political, military and religious establishment. Most were killed in their houses, offices, businesses, schools, colleges and hospitals, as well as those who were attacked at railway stations and on trains, bus stations and buses, airports and in cars, lorries and on foot as they sought to escape the pogrom for their homeland in eastern Nigeria.

Thousands of others sustained horrific injuries, several of whom were maimed for life. No known safe passages for the Igbo (victims or would-be victims) for flight or escape to their homeland from northern Nigeria or elsewhere in the country were planned, nor adhered to, by any of the prosecuting forces involved in the pogrom throughout the course of this tragedy.

In the Biafra War itself, three million Igbo were killed. This figure is much higher than the casualties recorded in each of the following four wars: Vietnam, Iran-Iraq, Angola and the Sudan. To underscore the brazen brutality of the war in Biafra, we should stress that the duration of each of the former conflicts mentioned was in fact much longer than Biafra's. The three million dead represented a quarter of the Igbo population then. No Igbo family in the world escaped the immediate or long-term impact and consequences of this holocaust.

The Igbo, who 20 years earlier had been in the vanguard for the liberation of Nigeria from the British conq

uest and occupation, had suffered an incalculable catastrophe &endash; the second in 100 years since their defeat by British imperialism. No other African nation had suffered such a grand-scale holocaust and impoverishment in 200 years. King Leopold II of Belgium, "The Rapist of Congo", had in the 19^th century killed three million Africans in the Congo as his troops ravaged the country in search of ivory, diamonds, and the like &endash; enormous wealth that would soon transform the nascent Belgian state into a modern European country. But that scourge at least included peoples from several nations and nationalities that make up contemporary Democratic Republic of Congo, Republic of Congo, Rwanda, Burundi, Central African Republic and Angola.

Equally reprehensibly, those who ordered and sustained the war against the Igbo had the unenviable record, not to talk of responsibility, of literally clearing the undergrowth from which the gruesome killing fields that have since littered Africa expanded almost inexorably. The haunting milestones of Uganda, Ethiopia, Somalia, Sudan, Liberia, Zaire/Democratic Republic of Congo, Republic of Congo, Sierra Leone, Rwanda, Burundi, Guinea-Bissau, southern Guinea and Cote d'Ivoire testify to this. These latter wars have resulted in the death of nine million people.

As I show in my book African Literature in Defence of History: An essay on Chinua Achebe, no post-Biafra War Nigerian head of state has been so obsessed with the subject of Biafra and the Biafra War as Olusegun Obasanjo, the current president of the country. Equally, no post-Biafra War Nigerian head of state possesses as vindictively a pathological anti-Igbo disposition as Olusegun Obasanjo &endash; a condition apparently developed in the 1960s prior to the pogrom when several of his fellow officers, mostly Igbo, often questioned his intellectual competence.

On these two counts, not even six previous leaders centrally associated with the Biafra War (Yakubu Gowon, Murtala Muhammed, Muhammadu Buhari, Ibrahim Babangida, Sani Abacha, Abdulsalami Abubakar), all northern Nigerians whose involvement impulses in the conflict were dictated and driven largely by their support for, or indifference to the perpetration of the first phase of the Igbo genocide in the north (May-October 1966) or a desire to safeguard (in the long term) the north's hegemonic political and military leadership of Nigeria, have been so transfixed by Biafra and the Igbo people. Indeed one or two of the surviving sextet of leaders just mentioned have shown more reticence over their involvement in the war, and a third has in fact offered what amounts to an unqualified "apology" over his own participation in the war.

More generally in northern Nigeria, presently, there are steadily, openly expressed views of revulsion, remorse and apologies among members of the political elite and others on the region's planning and execution of the Igbo genocide &endash; both in its initial pogrom phase in the north and in the war in Biafra.

Not so for Olusegun Obasanjo are these dynamics of revulsion, remorse and apologies felt, nor remotely played out… On the contrary, Obasanjo, who commanded the notorious federal 3^rd marine infantry division in the latter stages of the war and which committed widespread atrocities in the southern front of the so-called Igbo heartland, is still waging a war on the Igbo &endash; albeit an Obasanjo-version of a "low intensity conflict", even though the end of hostilities in Biafra was declared 33 years ago. In this context, especially, Obasanjo's principal focus for now is to disrupt the profound economic and industrial transformation underway in the crucial northwest Anambra region of the Igbo country. He has literally laid siege on the local administration in the region by raising clusters of fiendish officials on presidential payroll and other patronage whose main task is to eventually overthrow the governor. In the pursuance of this programme, Obasanjo has flagrantly utilised the security forces and the judiciary contrary to clearly stipulated constitutional provision.

Obasanjo does not really believe that the Igbo lost the war on 12 January 1970. The "evidence" on the ground does not convince him otherwise. Despite the fact that successive central governments since 1970 have adhered strictly to a policy of no development in Igboland, a programme which Professor Nnaemeka Ikpeze has categorised succinctly as an "atrocity," despite the fact that Igboland with a population of 30 million (about a quarter of Nigeria's total) continues to receive the lowest annual fiscal resource transfers from the central government to the regions since 1970, despite the fact that Igbo experts and officials have been barred from key state appointments in defence and security and the position of head of state, despite the fact that Igboland has the worst communication infrastructure in the country and that power stations and other major industrial enterprises destroyed during the war still lie in ruins, despite the fact that the central government has scandalously ignored the extensive erosion of cropland across the north-western stretch of Igboland (Anambra region) which poses a long term danger to the ecology of the area and far beyond, and despite the fact that Obasanjo's rigging of the 2003 presidential elections was carried out largely in the electoral districts across Igboland, the present Nigerian president believes that the continuing stubborn resilience and ingenuity of the Igbo shown in the steadfast reconstruction of their lives and homeland, without evident central government support, cannot be indicative of a people who lost so catastrophically in a war of genocide just a generation ago.

On the Igbo therefore, Obasanjo still subscribes tenaciously to the composite amalgam of the infamous federal Nigeria war strategy enunciated by Obafemi Awolowo (deputy chair of the war cabinet and minister of finance) during the Biafran confrontation &endash; the "starvation as weapon/quick kill", which accounted for 80 per cent of all Biafran casualty in the war, and its post-war variant, the "financial/economic strangulation of Igbo assets across the country" which, in effect, is the policy guideline that has been in vogue in the past 33 years and whose striking features we sketched above.

Just as Awolowo, Obasanjo exhibits a virulent streak of Igbophobia which explains why the president's own implementation of the anti-Igbo post-Biafra War state policy in the past five years has been remarkably undisguised, quite often aggressive, if not crude. In not too infrequent bouts of rage and angst, Obasanjo often boasts of "teaching the Ibos a lesson," or "crushing these Ibos who… don't seem to have learnt the lessons of 12 January 1970" or "I will ensure that these Ibos never rule this country in my life time...."

It is against this background that one should understand the current highly-charged dramatic quest by Obasanjo to remove Chris Ngige, the governor of the Anambra region from power, even though the latter, as well as the other governors of the east were imposed on the people by the president when he rigged last year's poll. Since the election, Ngige has somehow become his "own man," much to the consternation of the president. The groundswell support that Ngige has received from the region and across Igboland has been tremendous particularly from women's organisations, businesses and from the youth. Last week's widely publicised press conference in Awka (regional capital) by Mike Balonwu, the speaker of the local legislature, was undoubtedly poignant for its frankness when the lawmaker charged: "We the honourable members of Anambra State House of Assembly would hold President Olusegun Obasanjo responsible for any outbreak of anarchy in Anambra state as a result of his unflinching support for this band of treasury looters and rascals of known pedigree."

More such calls have been made and similar positions taken across varying shades of political opinion across Igboland. Ironically, the Anambra crisis has had an unintended result that Obasanjo could never have reckoned with when he embarked on his course of action. More conservative sectors of the Igbo "political class" who have since Biafra treasured the mantra of "marginalisation" as the flag of convenience to fly in their politics vis-à-vis the rest of Nigeria, have suddenly realised in the last few weeks and months that the Igbo "self-determination" that sustained the resistance against the forces of genocide 33 years ago did not dissipate on January 12,1970.

It decisively moved to another level of contemplation &endash; and realisation. To that extent, these sectors were catching up with the rest of the Igbo, particularly the intellectuals, who have no doubts about the seminal meaning of Biafra in their history and their lives. But perhaps more surprisingly, these Igbo "conservatives" were also catching up with what Matthew Aremu Olusegun Obasanjo has always thought of the subject &endash; namely that the Igbo have never really accepted defeat.
Prof. Ekwe-Ekwe, contributing editor of USAfricaonline.com has written several books and essays on Africa and Nigeria. His new book, Beyond the "failed state": Reconstituting Africa, will be published in 2004. He wrote in May 2001, an exclusive commentary for USAfricaonline.com titled 'Obasanjo obsession with Biafra versus facts of history.' Also, see exclusive and related interview Biafra's leader Dim ODUMEGWU EMEKA OJUKWU had with USAfricaonline.com Publisher Chido Nwangwu: "It was simply a choice between Biafra and enslavement! And, here's why we chose Biafra"

CLASS is the social events, heritage excellence and style magazine for Africans in north America, described by The New York Times as the magazine for affluent Africans in America. It is published by professional journalists and leading mulitmedia leaders and pioneers.



Click image for the latest 2005 cover editions of CLASS magazine Vol. 2.5 and 2.6
Subscribe@Classmagazine.tv -- 8303 SW Freeway, Suite 100, Houston, Texas 77074. Phone: 713-270-5500. Cell direct: 832-45-CHIDO (24436)

Why Bush should focus on dangers facing Nigeria's return to democracy and Obasanjo's slipperyslide. By Chido Nwangwu INSIGHT: Destruction of property and human massacres are always traumatic events in a community, saddening and enraging, but the organizers of the beauty contest, as well as the participants, must understand that they are totally free of guilt. The guilty are the storm troopers of intolerance, the manipulators of feeble-minded but murderous hordes of fanaticism. By Prof. Wole Soyinka INSIGHT Why Martin Luther King's legacy and vision are relevant into 21st century. By Chido Nwangwu     USAfricaonline LITERATURE Why Chinua Achebe, the Eagle on the Iroko, is Africa's writer of the century. Achebe, scholar, social conscience, cultural historian and globally-acclaimed writer, has been a significant and binding source for an engaging understanding of African pre-colonial, colonial and post-colonial history and realities. I believe that such insight has made him a favorite of African-Americans, and other scholars and regular folks in search of a better, realistic understanding of Africa, at least, from Achebe's utilization of his rich and dynamic Igbo ancestry, in south eastern Nigeria. I share the same ancestry, and he's one of my mentors. By Chido Nwangwu. Click here for commentary Chinua Achebe returns "home" from U.S., to love and adulation of community. Exclusive USAfricaonline.com tribute: Since 1958, Achebe's "Things Fall Apart" set a standard of artistic excellence, and more. We met in person at the first conference on Commonwealth Literature, organized by Professor An Jeffares at Leeds University in 1964. We met again in Lagos, later, the same year. We met again at the Canadian Association of Commonwealth Literature conference in Toronto in 1973. By Douglas Killam Chinua Achebe: A Literary Diaspora Toasts One of Its Own. By Somini Sengupta POLICY A trial of two cities and struggle for justice. By Jack E. White, an essay by Time magazine columnist for USAfricaonline.com COMMUNITY INTEREST Johnnie Cochran will soon learn that defending Abacha's loot is not as simple as the O.J Simpson case. By Chido Nwangwu A Lott of Racism? Implications of Obasanjo's late wake up to the challenges of Sharia in Nigeria. By Ken Okorie Osama bin-Laden's goons threaten Nigeria and Africa's stability. By Chido Nwangwu What has Africa to do with September 11 terror? By Chido Nwangwu Reflections on September 11. By Jonathan Elendu And the Rocks Cried Out (For Safiyatu). By Effenus Henderson DEMOCRACY'S WARRIOR Out of Africa. …The cock that crows in the morning belongs to one household but his voice is the property of the neighborhood. -- Chinua Achebe, Anthills of the Savannah. An editor carries on his crusade against public corruption and press censorship in his native Nigeria and other African countries. By John Suval. Pope John Paul, Abacha and Nigeria's Christians DIPLOMACY Walter Carrington: An African-American diplomat puts principles above self for Nigeria. USAfricaonline.com Founder Chido Nwangwu with the U.S. former Ambassador Carrington (right) at the U.S. embassy in Lagos during a courtesy visit. HISTORICAL INSIGHT Biafra-Nigeria war and history get fresh, critical look from a survivor. By Alverna Johnson and Vivian Okeke.   'Biafra: History Without Mercy' - a preliminary note. By Chido Nwangwu ODUMEGWU EMEKA OJUKWU:"It was simply a choice between Biafra and enslavement! And, here's why we chose Biafra" Biafra: From Boys to Men. By Dr. M.O. Ene African Union: Old wine in new skin? Sharia, Sex and hypocrisy of Gendered Justice. By Chika Unigwe, columnist for USAfricaonline.com And the Rocks Cried Out (For Safiyatu). By Effenus Henderson NEWS INVESTIGATION: The Marc Rich Oil Deals in Nigeria Should Africa debates begin and end at The New York Times and The Washington Post? No AFRICA AND THE U.S. ELECTIONS Beyond U.S. electoral shenanigans, rewards and dynamics of a democratic republic hold lessons for African politics. Osama bin-Laden's goons threaten Nigeria and Africa's stability What has Africa to do with September 11 terror? Africans reported dead in terrorist attack at WTC September 11 terror and the ghost of things to come.... Arafat's duplicity, terrorism at the heart of Israeli-Palestinian crises. By Barry Rubin Will religious conflicts be the time-bomb for Nigeria's latest transition to civilian rule? Johnnie Cochran will soon learn that defending Abacha's loot is not as simple as his O.J Simpson's case. By Chido Nwangwu Should Africa debates begin and end at The New York Times and The Washington Post? No Nelson Mandela, Tribute to the world's political superstar and Lion of Africa  Winnie Madikizela-Mandela's burden mounts with murder charges, trials Conflicting emotions, feeling of disappointment, timing of revelation that Rev. Jackson fathered a child with former aide lead to charges of "right-wing orchestration." Nigeria's Presidential Election: Is it just for the Highest Bidder? Nigeria at 40: punish financial thuggery, build domestic infrastructure Is Obasanjo really up to Nigeria's challenge and crises? By USAfricaonline.com contributing editor Ken Okorie. Commentary appears from NigeriaCentral.com Africa suffers the scourge of the virus. This life and pain of Kgomotso Mahlangu, a five-month-old AIDS patient (left) in a hospital in the Kalafong township near Pretoria, South Africa, on October 26, 1999, brings a certain, frightening reality to the sweeping and devastating destruction of human beings who form the core of any definition of a country's future, its national security, actual and potential economic development and internal markets. 22 million Africans HIV-infected, ill with AIDS while African leaders ignore disaster-in-waiting Wong is wrong on Blacks in Houston city jobs Why is 4-year old Onyedika carrying a placard against killings in Nigeria? How Nigeria's Islamic Sharia crises will affect the U.S. USAfrica INTERVIEW "Why African Catholics are concerned about crises, sex abuse issues in our church" - a frank chat with ICCO's Mike Umeorah Johnnie Cochran will soon learn that defending Abacha's loot is not as simple as his O.J Simpson's case. By Chido Nwangwu The Economics of Elections in Nigeria HUMAN RIGHTS AND DEMOCRACY How far, how deep will Nigeria's human rights commission go? Rtd. Gen. Babangida trip as emissary for Nigeria's Obasanjo to Sudan raises curiosity, questions about what next in power play? COUNTERPOINT 'Why is Bill Maher spreading racist nonsense about HIV/AIDS and Africa on ABC? Hate groups' spin by Lamar Alexander benefits anti-Blacks, anti-Semites, and racists Annan, power and burden of the U.N The Civilianizing of African soldiers into Presidents At 39, Nigerians still face dishonest stereotypes such as Buckley's, and other self-inflicted wounds. JFK Jr.: Death of a Good Son 'Why is Bill Maher spreading racist nonsense about HIV/AIDS and Africa on ABC? National Summit on Africa, Congresswoman Jackson-Lee hold policy forum in Houston '100 Black Men are solutions-oriented' says Thomas Dortch, Jr., Richard Johnson and Nick Clayton II as they share perspectives with USAfrica's founder on the national organization. Community Service Awards bring African-American, American policy and business leaders together with African community at Texas Southern University 110 minutes with Hakeem Olajuwon Cheryl Mills' first class defense of Clinton and her detractors' game  Nigeria, Cry My Beloved Country BULLET Versus BALLOT The bloody stain of military coup, on Friday December 24, 1999, sullied the once unique history of democratic rule in the beautiful and historically democratic, French-speaking west African country of Cote d'Ivoire (Ivory Coast) by General Robert Guei (inset). USAfricaonline report and commentary. COMMUNITY INTEREST Why the revisionist forces of racist oppression in South Africa should not be allowed to intimidate Ron and Charlayne Gault. Index of Founder's Notes (1) Index of Founder's Notes (2) Index of other Viewpoints USAfricaonline contributors and columnists on the issues Will the rash of Ethnic Violence disrupt Nigeria's effort at Democracy? USAfrica FORUM IN THE HOUSE OF MANDELA: A SILLY CRY FOR REPARATIONS By Prof. Chimalum Nwankwo Nigerian stabbed to death in his bathroom in Houston. EndGame in Kinshasa: U.S must boot Mobutu for own interest, future of Zaire and Africa Seriously, is your web site a Turkey, too? Get Solutions PetroGasWorks Shell picks Leslie Mays as VP Global Diversity Why Powell's mission to the Middle East failed. By Jonathan Elendu TRANSITION General Tunde Idiagbon:  A nationalist, an iron-surgeon departs Abiola's sudden death and the ghost of things to come   Gen. Shehu Musa Yar'Adua's prison death, Nigeria and The Ghost of Things to come .....

USAfricaonline.com INSIGHT: How Obasanjo's self-succession charade at his Ota Farm has turned Nigeria to an 'Animal Farm.' By Prof. Mobolaji Aluko Is Obasanjo ordained by God to rule Nigeria? And, other fallacies. By Prof. Sola Adeyeye Obasanjo was not sworn in merely to "mean well" for Nigeria. By Obi Nwakanma Obasanjo's 'prayers' and the Abacha path of staying in power. By Nkem Ekeopara Creative writing, publishing and the future of Nigerian Literature. By Prof. Chukwuemeka Ike APPRECIATION A young father writes his One year old son: "If only my heart had a voice...." Nigeria, a terrible beauty. By Chido Nwangwu Why Nigeria and Africa's leaders are leading us to nowhere. By Professor Herbert Ekwe-Ekwe, contributing editor of USAfricaonline.com, author of the highly-acclaimed African Literature in Defence of History: An Essay on Chinua Achebe and a visiting fellow at the London School of Economics. Abati's Revisionisms and Distortions of history. By Obi Nwakanma, USAfrica The Newspaper contributing editor and award-winning poet Reuben Abati's fallacies on Nigeria's history and secession. By Bayo Arowolaju How Abati, Adelaja and others fuel the campaign of hatred against Ndigbo. By Jonas Okwara "Obasanjo, secession and the secessionists": A response to Reuben Abati's Igbophobia. By Josh Arinze, USAfricaonline.com contributing editor. Abati and other anti-Igbo bigots in Nigeria. By Chuks Iloegbunam, USAfricaonline.com contributing editor and author of Ironsi DEMOCRACY DEBATE CNN International debate on Nigeria's democracy was livecast on February 19, 2002. It involved Nigeria's Information Minister Prof. Jerry Gana, Prof. Salih Booker and USAfricaonline.com Publisher Chido Nwangwu. Transcripts are available on the CNN International site. Anambra's rigged 2003 elections: Chris Uba's confession at WIC 2004 in Newark, USA. In a matter-of-fact manner, PDP's chieftain in Anambra Chris Uba stood up and astonished all that were present in Newark when he said, "We, the PDP, did not win the election (of 2003). I have gone to church to confess. The election had no document. I called the result before 12 midnight. I gave INEC the money and asked them to call the result." The revelation caused an uproar as well as some applause in the hall. "The person we took his thing is here," Uba said, pointing at Peter Obi (the APGA candidate) who was sitting among the audience, in the back row. USAfrica The Newspaper voted the "Best Community Newspaper" in the 4th largest city in the U.S., Houston. It is in the Best of Houston special as chosen by the editors and readers of the Houston Press, reflecting their poll and annual rankings. DEMOCRACY WATCH: Obasanjo raped Nigeria's constitution by suspending Plateau Assembly and Governor. Prof. By Prof. Ben Nwabueze, leading constitutional scholar in the Commonwealth for almost 45 years, former Nigerian federal minister and SAN. OIL in NIGERIA: Liquid Gold or Petro-Dollars Curse? Investigating Marc Rich and his deals with Nigeria's Oil Through an elaborate network of carrots and sticks and a willing army of Nigeria's soldiers and some civilians, controversial global dealer and billionaire Marc Rich, literally and practically, made deals and steals; yes, laughed his way to the banks from crude oil contracts, unpaid millions in oil royalties and false declarations of quantities of crude lifted and exported from Nigeria for almost 25 years. Worse, he lifted Nigeria's oil and shipped same to then embargoed apartheid regime in South Africa. Read Chido Nwangwu's NEWS INVESTIGATION REPORT for PetroGasWorks.com MEDIAWATCH Should Africa debates begin and end at The New York Times and The Washington Post? Nelson Mandela, Tribute to the world's political superstar and Lion of Africa   TRIBUTE Nnamdi Azikiwe: Statesman, Intellectual and Titan of African politics CONTINENTAL AGENDA Bush's position on Africa is "ill-advised." The position stated by Republican presidential aspirant and Governor of Texas, George Bush where he said that "Africa will not be an area of priority" in his presidency has been questioned by USAfricaonline.com Publisher Chido Nwangwu. He added that Bush's "pre-election position was neither validated by the economic exchanges nor geo-strategic interests of our two continents." These views were stated during an interview CNN's anchor Bernard Shaw and senior analyst Jeff Greenfield had with Mr. Nwangwu on Saturday November 18, 2000 during a special edition of 'Inside Politics 2000.' Nwangwu, adviser to the Mayor of Houston (the 4th largest city in the U.S., and immigrant home to thousands of Africans) argued further that "the issues of the heritage interests of 35 million African-Americans in Africa, the volume and value of oil business between between the U.S and Nigeria and the horrendous AIDS crisis in Africa do not lend any basis for Governor Bush's ill-advised position which removes Africa from fair consideration" were he to be elected president. By Al Johnson ARTS The Life and Irreverent times of Afrobeat superstar, FELA     PANAFRICANIST Tanzania's founding president Julius Nyerere       Impeachment process shows Nigerian democracy "is alive... being tested." Nigeria's president retired Gen. Olusegun Obasanjo has said that the impeachment process shows that "democracy is alive, is being tested, and being tried.... What they (the legislators) have tried to do in the democratic way, which is not easy, would probably have been done by taking arms or by -- with bullets. So, but with democracy, of course, some people feel that this is the way this should be, and then I have an opportunity to defend myself. There is discussion. There is dialogue. There is a decision. There is fairness." He made these comments when he appeared on Tuesday September 17, 2002 on CNN International to discuss the issues of impeachment facing him, the allegations of corruption, abuse of the constitution and deployment of soldiers ina civilian environment which led to the "massacre of civilians" in Odi (Bayelsa) and Zaki Biam (Benue). On the charges by international human rights organizations and Nigerian media that his government has been involved in actions which have led to the deaths of thousands of Nigerians, the retired General gave a surprising answer. He was asked that "as many as 10,000 people, it's being reported, have been killed in Nigeria (in) communal rivalries, and the number is believed to be increasing. And people are saying that although President Obasanjo has done a lot of good for Nigeria, you're accused of not -- accused of failing to halt that spiraling violence." Obasanjo: "Let me say this to you, when you put the question of 10,000 -- 10,000 people dying in Nigeria, of course, for a population of over 120 million people...." But USAfricaonline.com Founder and recipient of the Journalism Excellence award (1997), Chido Nwangwu, who appeared on the same program as as a CNN International analyst (Africa) pointed out that "when (President Obasanjo) answered that in a country of 100 million that 10,000 people are said to have died, as if that was a small number, that in itself reflects a disconnect with the concerns of Nigerians. The second one is that when the risk is civil disagreement, the police are required to intervene in the country. And the deployment of the armed forces of Nigeria requires at least some consultation, however modest, with the parliament." Nwangwu, former member of the editorial board of Nigeria's Daily Times continued that "the third factor that is equally important to underscore is that the armed forces of Nigeria moved in for a punitive action rather than just containing a civil disagreement." He noted in USAfricaonline.com backgrounder "it was revealing and interesting interesting discussing Nigeria's issues with its leader - under the current circumstances of an increasingly out-of-schedule elections and the gathering storm of an impeachment process by a majority of the members of the National Assembly, predominantly by Obasanjo's party members." See rush transcript of the CNN International news program. Obasanjo facing corruption and ineptitude impeachment charges, again since the parliament, a few weeks ago, passed a motion carrying a majority of the members of Obasanjo's party, the PDP. RELIGION AND ETHNIC CONFLICT: Sharia-related killings and carnage in Kaduna reenact deadly prologue to Nigeria-Biafra war of 1967. By Chido Nwangwu ELECTIONS Gigolos on the Campaign Trail. By Prof. Walt Brasch Can Africa live a future without war? An Open Letter to Mandela. By Fubara David-West Sex, Women and (Hu)Woman Rights. By Chika Unigwe WILL ARINZE BE THE FIRST POPE of RECENT AFRICAN ORIGIN? To our Brother Cardinal Arinze: May your pastoral lineage endure! The Democratic Party stood for nothing in 2002 election cycle. By Jonathan Elendu HEALTHWATCH EVA champions efforts to combat AIDS among Nigerian youth. By Jessica Rubin Pros and cons of the circumcision debate. By Ngozi Ezeji, RN TRIBUTE Prof. Chimere Ikoku: Remembering the legacy of a pan-Africanist, scientist and gentleman. By Prof. Chudi Uwazurike   Can Africa live a future without war? An Open Letter to Mandela. By Fubara David-West, USAfricaonline.com contributing editor COUNTERPOINT Tiger Woods is no Nelson Mandela! By Chido Nwangwu SPORTS: Tiger Woods makes more history with another golf Masters win. He shot 12-under-par 276 and a final round 71 at Georgia's Augusta National Golf Club event and collected $1,008,000, on Sunday April 14, 2002. With it, the world's golf phenom added another green jacket to his array of championships and titles, placing him, in this instance, in the same respected Masters' league as Nicklaus (winner 1965 and 1966) and Nick Faldo (1989 and 1990). The three are the only men to win back-to-back Masters. At 26, Woods has since become the youngest golfer to win his seventh professional major championship. He was joined by his parents and his 22 year-old Swedish model girlfriend, Elin Nordegren. It's wrong to stereotype Nigerians as Drug Dealers. By Chido Nwangwu Nigeria as a Nation of Vulcanizers Why Colin Powell brings gravitas, credibility and star power to Bush presidency. PUBLIC POLICY Private initiative, free market forces, and more democratization are keys to prosperity in Africa. The Civilianizing of African soldiers into Presidents Maduekwe, Nwachukwu clash over Obasanjo at World Igbo 2002 convention in Houston. USAfrica Special report DEMOCRACY DEBATE CNN International debate on Nigeria's democracy livecast on February 19, 2002. It involved Nigeria's Information Minister Prof. Jerry Gana, Prof. Salih Booker and USAfricaonline.com Publisher Chido Nwangwu. Transcripts are available on the CNN International site. Steve Jobs and Apple represent the future of digital living. By Chido Nwangwu The coup in Cote d'Ivoire and its implications for democracy in Africa. By Chido Nwangwu (Related commentary) Coup in Cote d'Ivoire has been in the waiting. By Tom Kamara